Relations between the patterns of coin circulation in Venetia et Histria and the provinces of Noricum mediterraneum and ripense in Late Roman times more

Krmnicek, S. 2008. Relations between the patterns of coin circulation in Venetia et Histria and the provinces of Noricum mediterraneum and ripense in Late Roman times. In: Menozzi, O., Di Marzio, M. L. and Fossataro, D. (eds), Proceedings of the IX Symposium on Mediterranean Archaeology, Chieti (Italy), 24-26 February 2005. BAR International Series 1739. Oxford: Archaeopress. 251-257.

SOMA 2005 Proceedings of the IX Symposium on Mediterranean Archaeology, Chieti (Italy), 24-26 February 2005 Edited by O. Menozzi, M. L. Di Marzio and D. Fossataro Introduction by S. Trinchese Preliminary editing by L. Cherstich Castel Manfrino excavation edited by S. Antonelli BAR International Series 1739 2008 Institut fur Archaologische Wissenschaften Johann Wolfgang Goethe-Universitat, Frankfurt/Main, Germany This presentation is related to the field of study of my current work, my Ph.D. thesis at the Johann Wolfgang Goethe University of Frankfurt/Main concerning the monetary circulation of the Magdalensberg and numismatic relations to neighbouring areas of southern Noricum and Northern Italy. Four main chapters will describe the differences and links between Italian monetary circulation and that in the northern province of Noricum in overall view. First of all, as an introduction to the province of Noricum and its numismatic situation in Antiquity, it is necessary to point out the continuing use of coins in the Celtic tradition on later Norican territory in the period before the Roman occupation. Secondly, the time during and immediately after the integration of Noricum into the Roman Empire will be more closely examined to show how, where and what kind of roman coins reached the new province during this early period. Thirdly, thanks to the abundance of published material, the high imperial time in particular offers excellent possibilities to compare and interpret the monetary circulation from selected sites from Italy with those in the province. Finally in Late Roman times it is possible to take a closer look at the mint-distribution in the typical currency pools and to study the development of the coin supply to certain regions within the Western Empire. Thus the paper presents in visual form all facts using graphs and figures This survey is based on a comparison of 4 century coins from archaeological excavations as well as stray finds from important urban sites and rural areas in Venetia et Histria and Noricum mediterraneum.1 The abundant number of coins available from various sites ensures a particularly sound statistical basis.2 Although coin finds from necropolises, sanctuaries and even hoards were strictly excluded, more than 6,000 4th century coins could be analysed. These coins derive from 16 different urban sites and rural areas in the region. Under such conditions it can justifiably be claimed that the material provides us with a representative sample of 4th century coins circulating, and consequently being lost in this particular area. One aim of this investigation was to examine the similarities and differences in the monetary circulation of two neighbouring administrative districts during the 4th century. In the case of Venetia et Histria and Noricum mediterraneum, although both provinces belonged to the same prefecture, the Praefectura Italia, Illyricum and Africa, the border between them not only separated the *The author is grateful to D. Wigg-Wolf (Johann Wolfgang Goethe- Universitat, Frankfurt/Main) for correcting his English.1 For the state of research in Italy see Gorini 2000: 69-78, Asolati 2002: 193-202, for interpreting coin finds from archaeological excavations of urban sites and rural areas see Kos 1997: 97-115, Walker 1997: 17-26. 2 Lauriacum: Karnitsch 1960, Dembski 1971 and Dembski 1975 [369 coins]; Ovilavis: FMRO 4/1 [317 coins]; SW Noricum mediterraneum: FMRO II/3 [427 coins]; Virunum: FMRO II/3 3b/9 (1), Gugl 2004, Krmnicek 2004 and unpublished material from the excavations 1992- 2001 [314 coins]; Celeia: FMRS11-V [291 coins]; Neviodunum: FMRS1 I-V [487 coins]; Ad Pirum: FMRS11-V [363 coins]; Castra: FMRS11-V [290 coins]; Histria: FMRHr XVIII [790 coins]; Tarvisium/Opitergium: RMRVe II/l and RMRVe II/2 [381 coins]; Altinum/Venezia: RMRVe VI/1 (from museum collections and excavations) and RMRVe VI/2 [802 coins]; Vicentia: RMRVe IV/1 [66 coins]; Hatria: RMRVe VII/2 [487 coins]; Tridentum: Callegher 2000b [652 coins]. two provinces, it also marked the boundary between two Dioceses and ran along the range of the Eastern Alps. It is important to remember when interpreting differences in the monetary circulation and the reasons for them. The geographical situation of the region should also be born in mind. The large alpine massifs of the Karnische Alps and the Karawanken serve as a natural barrier between both provinces. Rising to more than 2000m above sea level, they still form the natural border between modern day Austria and Italy/Slovenia. On the other hand, the Julian Alps, in the northeastern corner of Venetia et Histria close to the province of Noricum mediterraneum, did not separate Venetia et Histria from another province. Although it was the main barrier between the Italian plain in the West and the lower southeastern alpine foothills in the East, the Julian Alps were situated within the territory of the province of Venetia et Histria. With regard to the methods used in this survey, as mentioned above, the data consists only of single finds, stray finds and coins from excavations.3 No coins from necropolises or sanctuaries were included, as these are likely to have a different composition. For the same reason, no hoards were included.4 Hoards, and coins from sites such as sanctuaries and necropolises, are generally the result of conscious selection, and thus are subject to additional filters and are further removed from the coins actually in circulation. The main goal of this investigation, however, was to examine the monetary circulation of the region in the relevant periods. 3 For the definition of single and stray finds see Gebhart, Kraft et al. 1956: 39-43, Grierson 1965: i-xiii, Grierson 1966: i-xvi. "Noeske 1979: 157-164, Reece 1979: 175-195, Christophersen 1989: 1- 8, especially for coins from sanctuaries see Reece 1996: 343-345. 251 In order to display the data in visual form, histograms as well as graphs are used. The histograms are based upon the standard formula, and provide the average coin loss per year in each period for a nominal 1000 coins from a particular site.5 The choice of periods used in the figures is a vital aspect of the investigation. They take into account the monetary history of the 4th century bronze coinage,6 rather than the reigns or lifetimes of emperors,7 so offering more possibilities for numismatic analysis than any other arrangements of periods can. Furthermore, it is important to remember that the dates represent not the dates at which the coins were lost, but periods in which they were struck. While some coins will have entered the archaeological record soon after they were issued, others could have remained in circulation and been lost much later. For a better understanding of the graphs used, it is of advantage to look briefly at the operation of mints in the empire, and especially the region under consideration, during the 4th century. After Diocletian's monetary reform in 294, the mints of Rome, Ostia, Ticinum and Aquileia were in operation in Italia. The mint of Ticinum was finally closed in 326, while the mint of Aquileia, which plays a significant role in this analysis, was temporarily closed in 322-334. Sirmium was active only for two short periods, 320-326 and 351- 365, when it supplemented the other Balkan mints of Siscia and Thessalonica, which issued coins throughout the 4th century. In the East, the mints of Nicomedia, Cyzicus, Antiochia and Alexandria were in operation from the start, while the mint of Constantinopolis was only opened in 326, at the same time as the mint of Ticinum was closed. The first histogram (Fig. 1) indicates the average coin loss at the urban site of Ovilavis, the administrative centre of the Province of Noricum ripense near the Danube limes. The graph displays peaks in the annual average coin loss for issues of the periods 330-341, 354- 361 and 364-378. Furthermore, over all periods the majority of coins derives from non-Italian mints, depicted by the columns marked in black. The next two histograms are based on the coin finds from the southwestern part of Noricum mediterraneum (Fig. 2) and the nearby provincial capital Virunum (Fig. 3). Both graphs follow almost the same pattern. As in Ovilavis, non-Italian mints are best represented in all periods. However, a higher share of issues from Italian mints is apparent throughout the 4th century, indicated by the columns in white. For Venetia et Histria, the settlements and hinterland of Altinum/Venezia (Fig. 4) and Hatria (Fig. 5) may serve as representative sites. When compared with figs. 1-3, both are characterized by higher coin loss per year for the periods 348-354 and 378-388. In these samples the share of coins from Italian mints can be as much as twice as high as for the sites in Noricum ripense and Noricum mediterraneum, especially during the periods with a high 5 For the formula for calculating histograms see Ravetz 1964: 205-208, Reece 1987: 77 and Wigg 1991: 237-240. 6 For a detailed explanation see Casey 1986: 89-90. 7 For a summary of the late antique coinage see R.-Alfoldi 2001b: 337- 367. coin loss. Furthermore, in the periods 348-354, 354-361 and 378-388 the majority of coins now derives from Italian mints. Summing up the five histograms, the following conclusions can be reached. All the histograms, especially when compared with other sites in the East and West of the empire, seem to follow a general empire- wide pattern, i.e. peaks in the periods 330-341 and 354- 361, and a trough in 361-364. This confirms that the numismatic material from all the sites is indeed representative and so suitable for further investigations.8 There are individual peaks and troughs, however, which indicate regional differences. First, the monetary circulation of the important urban settlement Ovilavis in Northern Noricum ripense is characterized by the 'normal' empire-wide pattern of high annual average coin loss in the periods 354-361 and 364-378.9 Throughout the 4th century coin loss in Ovilavis is dominated by issues from the mint of Siscia, followed by coins from Aquileia and Thessalonica. The settlements of southern Noricum mediterraneum have their own, different pattern. Compared with Noricum ripense, the annual average coin loss is much lower for issues of the period 364-378, while the other periods seem to follow the same pattern of Ovilavis. The share of coins from Italian mints, in all periods, is much higher in Noricum mediterraneum. A specific pattern can be seen for the monetary circulation of the province of Venetia et Histria.10 The main differences between this region and the provinces of Noricum ripense and Noricum mediterraneum are the unusual peaks in the periods 348-354 and 378-388, and the predominance of coins from Italian mints. Perhaps the higher coin loss for issues of 348-354 is linked to the specific political situation at the time in northeastern Italia.11 It is possible that the campaigns of Constantius II and of Magnentius in the region during the civil war of 350-353 resulted in a more intensive circulation and loss of coins. Similarly the hostilities between Magnus Maximus and Theodosius I might have been responsible for the difference in the annual average coin loss of Italia and Noricum for the period 378-388. At the end of the 4th century, the supply of Noricum ripense and Noricum mediterraneum with new coins seems to have diminished, while at the same time in the Italian heartland the circulation of issues of 378-388 still seems to have been intense. To sum up, the histograms clearly show the common structure and specific regional differences of the monetary circulation in the area over all periods. Furthermore it could be demonstrated, that the distribution of coins from Italian mints in all For the interpretation of representative coin finds see Kent 1974: 64- 77, Gorini 1997: 33-47, Rotroff 1997: 8-16, Kos 1997: 97-115. 9 For the normal pattern see the sample published by Wigg 1991: 196. 10 An investigation on the specific pattern in the monetary circulation of the region is documented in Gorini 2002: 177-191. 11 For a study on the distribution of the Ae3 coinage in Italia see Callu 1980: 99-106. 252 representative coin finds increased from North to South during the entire 4th century. The ratio of coins from Italian to non-Italian mints played an important part in the discussion on the histograms. A closer look at this pattern should help clarify how issues from Italian and non-Italian mints in the region actually circulated in relation to each other.12 Fig. 6 illustrates the number of coins from the mint of Siscia in the finds, which is indicated by grey columns, and the number from the mint of Rome and Aquileia, indicated by black columns. The graph shows the ratio between the two groups, whereby the figure for Rome and Aquileia is corrected to 1. By presenting this data in visual form, it is possible to display the relative quantities of the coins from the three mints in the circulation of Venetia et Histria and Noricum mediterraneum.13 The mints of Aquileia and Rome were chosen for comparison because Aquileia is located in the heart of the region, and so we can see how intensively coins from there circulated in the immediate vicinity. While the mint of Rome is worthy of examination since its products were especially predominant among the coins circulating in Italy throughout the entire 4th century. The graph reveals a ratio of more than 2,5 : 1 in settlements situated close to the mint of Siscia, in the eastern corner of Venetia et Histria and Noricum mediterraneum (Celeia and Neviodunum). A ratio of 1,8- 1,4 : 1 is still to be seen in representative sites in Noricum ripense and Noricum mediteraneum (Ovilavis, Lauriacum, Virunum and Southwestern Noricum mediterraneum). In the southern foothills of the Julian Alps, and in Histria the ratio of coins from Siscia to those from Aquileia and Rom is only 0,8-0,6 : 1 (Histria, Ad Pirum and Castra). And in the other sites of Venetia et Histria the ratio decreases even further from West to East to only 0,5-0,2 : 1 (Tarvisium/Opitergium, Altinum/Venezia, Vicentia, Hatha and Tridentum). To conclude, fig. 6 indicates that at the sites in the vicinity of the mint of Sisicia, irrespective of whether they are located in the province of Venetia et Histria or in Noricum mediterraneum, coins from Siscia outnumbered those from Aquileia and Rome. Geographically speaking the high level of coins from Siscia in finds is to be found north of the Alps in area stretching to Noricum ripense, while in the southeastern Alpine region it extends only to the natural barrier of the Julian Alps. However, this trend does not continue throughout the rest of Venetia et Histria; in central and western sites in the province coins from Aquileia and Rome predominate in the entire 4th century. This indicates that factors other than political boundaries between provinces and Dioceses must also have been responsible for differences in the monetary circulation in 12 For a similar investigation but only for the 4th century coin finds on the territory of modern day Slovenia, and based on less data see Kos 1986: 187-188. 13 For preliminary studies on the monetary circulation of Northern Italy see Reece 1971: 167-179, Reece 1974: 64-77. the two provinces. As was shown above, geographical factors played a surprisingly important role in the distribution of coins.14 But they were not the only ones; political and military factors affecting the coin supply of individual areas should also be taken in account, e. g. the importance of the troops on the Danube limes which seem to have been supplied mainly with coins from the mint of Siscia during the 4th century.15 However, the mint-distribution in the region does reveal an overall geographical pattern, at least in the distribution of coins from the mint of Siscia: there is a decrease in the share of Siscian coins from West to East in the coin finds of Venetia et Histria. The paper provides some examples of how the monetary circulation of the provinces Noricum mediterraneum and ripense and Venetia et Histria differed during the 4th century A.D. More than 6,000 coins from 16 sites which were felt to be representative were analysed. The histograms indicate that while the coin finds mirror the common 4th century monetary circulation within the Roman Empire, they also display typical regional differences. In particular, the annual average coin loss during particular periods in sites north of the Alps (i. e.the provinces of Noricum ripense and Noricum mediterraneum) can be distinguished from that observed in Venetia et Histria. The ratio of coins from Italian to non-Italian mints could also be shown to be significant. When displayed in visual form, the data reveals that the distribution of 4th century coins in the region seems to be oriented primarily on geographical borders. In the north and east of the Alps coins from Siscia outnumbered those of Aquileia and Rome, while the opposite phenomenon can be found in Venetia et Histria south of the Alps. A similar East-West decrease in the ratio of coins from Siscia can also be examined in sites in Venetia et Histria. Only a few considerations of the differences and links in the monetary circulation of Venetia and Histria and Noricum mediterraneum have been presented here - more should follow. II presente contributo intende mostrare, sulla scorta di alcuni esempi, le differenze quantitative tra la circolazione monetale della Provincia del Noricum mediterraneum e quella della contermine Provincia Venetia et Histria durante il quarto secolo d. C. A tal riguardo sono state confrontate piu di 6000 monete, provenienti da 16 diversi siti archeologici, che assumono un carattere altamente rappresentativo dei materiali esistenti in questi territori. Gli istogrammi mostrano una tipica distribuzione del quarto secolo ed anche alcune specificita regionali. Mentre nelle zone delle Alpi le attestazioni di numerario della zecca di Siscia sono maggiori rispetto a quelle emesse nelle officine di Roma ed Aquileia, a sud delle stesse awiene il contrario. Per determinare i motivi di questa diversa diffusione non vanno trascurati i fattori di natura geografica, infatti la For a study on the mints linked to the particular Dioceses see King 1980: 154-158. 15 For political factors see Harl 1996: 158-182, R.-Alfoldi 2001a: 308- 331, Aubert 2003: 245-263, for empire-wide studies on that pattern see Nicklas 1995: 100-251. 253 presenza delle Alpi pud aver costituito un ostacolo alia diffusione dei materiali prodotti in zecche ben determinate. Considerando tutti i ritrovamenti della Provincia Venetia et Histria e attestato un volume decrescente delle emissioni di Siscia secondo una direzione est-ovest. Queste considerazioni preliminari costituiscono le basi per un futuro approfondimento sulle differenze ed i contatti nella circolazione monetaria della Venetia et Histria ed il Noricum mediterraneum. Der vorliegende Beitrag versucht anhand von Beispielen aufzuzeigen, in welchem Umfang sich der Mtinzumlauf der Provinz Noricum mediterraneum von dem der Provinz Venetia et Histria im 4. Jahrhundert unterschied. Mehr als 6000 Miinzen aus 16 verschiedenen archaologischen Fundorten konnten in diese Untersuchung miteinbezogen werden. Dies unterstreicht den reprasentativen Charakter der Materialgrundlage. Die Histogramme zeigen einerseits eine typische reichsweite Verteilung des 4. Jahrhunderts n. Chr. auf, aber andererseits auch regionale Charakteristika. Gerade im unterschiedlichen Miinzindex der Funde nordlich und sudlich der Alpen, also in Noricum ripense und Noricum mediterraneum sowie Venetia et Histria, lassen sich anhand bestimmter Perioden die lokalen Unterschiede aufzeigen. Als nachster wichtiger Punkt in dieser Untersuchung stand eine Auseinandersetzung mit dem Verhaltnis der Miinzen aus Siscia zu denen aus Aquileia und Rom an. Mithilfe der graphischen Umsetzung der Daten konnte bewiesen werden, dass geographische Faktoren offensichtlich ebenfalls fur die regionalen Verhaltnisse von Bedeutung sind. Gerade die Alpen und ihre siidlichen Auslaufer als natiirliche Barrieren sind hier an erster Stelle zu nennen. Neben dem unterschiedlichen Verhaltnis zwischen Funden nordlich und sudlich der Alpen lieJi sich im speziellen unter den Funden der Provinz Venetia et Histria von Osten nach Westen ein riicklaufiger Anteil von Miinzen aus Siscia feststellen. Anhand dieser wenigen Beispiele konnten einige Unterschiede im Mtinzumlauf der beiden Provinzen wahrend des 4. Jahrhunderts n. Chr. zumindest ansatzweise angesprochen werden, weitere miissen auf jeden Fall folgen. ASOLATI, M. and C. Crisafulli (1994) Venezia/Altino II, Ritrovamenti monetali di eta romana nel Veneto. Provincia di Venezia. RMRVe Will, 6/2, Padova. ASOLATI, M. and C. Crisafulli (1999) Provincia di Venezia. Altino I, Ritrovamenti monetali di eta romana nel Veneto. RMRVe Wl, 4/1, Padova. Asolati, M. (2002) I ritrovamenti monetali in rapporto ai contesti archeologici: Gli esempi di Altino e della laguna veneziana in epoca romana, IN: Gorini, G. ed., Ritrovamenti monetali nel monclo antico: problemi e metodi. Atti del congresso internazionale, Padova 31 marzo - 2 aprile 2000, Padova, 193-202. AUBERT, J.-J. (2003) Monetary policy and Gresham's Law in the late third century A.D., IN: Lo Cascio, E. ed., Credito e moneta nel mondo romano. Atti degli Incontri capresti di storia dell'economia antica, Capri 12-14 ottobre 2000, Bari, 245-63. BERNARDELLI, A. (1995) Provincia di Vicenza. Vicenza, Ritrovamenti monetali di eta romana nel Veneto. RMRVe IV/1, 4/1, Padova. BERNARDELLI, A. and B. Callegher et al. (1995) Provincia di Treviso. Treviso, Ritrovamenti monetali di eta romana nel Veneto (RMRVe II/2), 2/2, Padova. CALLEGHER, B. (1998) Trento - teatro sociale: scavi 1990-1992. Le monete repubblicane, imperiali e medievali: Analisi critica e catalogo del complesso numismatico, IN: Cavada, E. and G. Gorini eds., Materiali per la storia urbana di Tridentum II. Ritrovamenti Monetali. Archaeologia delle Alpi, 4, Trento,7-341. CALLEGHER, B. (1992) Provincia di Treviso. Oderzo, Ritrovamenti monetali di eta romana nel Veneto. RMRVe II/l, 2/1, Padova. Callegher, B. (2000a) Provincia di Rovigo. Adria, Ritrovamenti monetali di eta romana nel Veneto RMRVe VII/2, 7/2, Padova. CALLEGHER, B. (2000b) Alcune osservazioni sulla presenza monetaria nell'area a est di Rovigo e nel territorio di Adria, IN: Maragno, A. ed., Quaderni di archeologia del Polesine, Volume I, Atti del convegno di archeologia sperimentale, Villadose 28 agosto 1999, Stanghella. CALLU, J. P. (1980) The distribution and the role of the bronze coinage from A. D. 348 to 392, IN: King, C. E. ed., Imperial revenue, expenditure and monetary policy in the fourth century A. D.: the fifth Oxford Symposion on Coinage and Monetary History, BAR International Series, 76, 95-124. CASEY, J. (1986) Understanding ancient coins, London. CHRISTOPHERSEN, A. (1989) Coins in complex archaeological contexts - a source-critical survey, IN: Clarke, H. and E. Schia eds., Coins and Archaeology. Medieval Archaeology Research Group. Proceedings of the first meeting at Isegren, Norway 1988, BAR International Series, 556, Oxford, 1-8. DEMBSKI, G. (1971) Fundmunzen aus Lauriacum-Enns 1969/1970, Mitteilungen des Museumvereines Lauriacum-Enns, 9 , 13-16. DEMBSKI, G. (1975) Fundmunzen aus Lauriacum-Enns 1973/74, Mitteilungen des Museumvereines Lauriacum- Enns, 13, 17-28. GEBHART,H.and K.KRAFT et al. (1956) Bemerkungen zur kritischen Neuaufnahme der Fundmunzen der romischen Zeit in Deutschland, Jahrbuch fur Numismatik und Geldgeschichte, 7, 1-71. GORINI, G. (1997) Problemi e metodi della numismatica oggi, Societe Academique, 6, 33-47. GORINI, G. (2002) Problematiche e metodi di indagine neU'economia monetaria della X Regio, IN: GORINI, G. ed., Ritrovamenti monetali nel mondo antico: problemi e metodi. Atti del congresso internazionale, Padova 31 marzo - 2 aprile 2000, Padova, 177-91. GORINI, G. (2000) Monete e ritrovamenti archaeologici nella X Regio, IN: Atti e Memorie dellAccademia Galileiana di Scienze, Lettere ed Arti gia dei Ricovrati e Patavina, 112, 69-78. GRIERSON, P. (1965) The president's address: The Interpretation of Coin Finds (1), Numismatic Chronicle, 7th Series, 5, i-xiii. 254 GRIERSON, P. (1966) The president's address: The interpretation of Coin Finds (2), Numismatic Chronicle, 7th Series, 6, i-xvi. GUGL, Chr. (2004) Die Miinzen aus dem Amphitheater von Virunum, IN: Jernej, R. and Chr. Gugl eds., Virunum. Das romische Amphitheater. Die Grabungen 1998-2001, Klagenfurt, 221-62. HARL, K. W. (1996) Coinage in the Roman Economy 300B.C. toA.D. 700, Baltimore/London. KARNITSCH, P. (1960) Miinzlisten 1953-1956, Forschungen in Lauriacum, 6/7, 175-215. KENT, J.P.C. (1974) Interpreting coin finds, IN: Casey, J. and R. Reece eds., Coins and the Archaeologist, BAR British Series, 4, Oxford, 64-77. KING, C.E. (1980) The Sacrae Largitiones: revenues, expenditure and the production of coin, IN: King, C. E. ed., Imperial revenue, expenditure and monetary policy in the fourth century A. D.: the fifth Oxford Symposion on Coinage and Monetary History, BAR, International Series, 76, Oxford, 141-73. KOS, P. (1986) The monetary circulation in the Southeastern Alpine Region ca. 300 BC - AD 1000, Simla, 24, Ljubljana. KOS, P. (1988a) Fundmiinzen der romischen Zeit in Slowenien. FMRSl I, 1, Berlin. KOS, P. (1988b) Fundmiinzen der romischen Zeit in Slowenien FMRSl II, 2, Berlin. KOS, P. (1997) Interpretation of (Roman) coin finds. Methodology: its potentials and pitfalls, Arheoloski Vestnik,\%, 97-115. KOS, P. and A. Semrov (1995) Fundmiinzen der romischen Zeit in Slowenien. FMRSl III, 3, Berlin. KRMNICEK, S. (2004) Numismatische Oberflachenfunde aus dem Vicus und Tempelbezirk bei St. Michael am Zollfeld, Jahrbuch des Landesmuseums KarntenRudolfinum, 2003, 137-44. MISKEC, A. (2002) Istrien, Die Fundmiinzen der romischen Zeit in Kroatien. FMRHr XVIII, 18, Mainz. NICKLAS, S. D. (1995) A general survey of coinage in the Roman Empire A.D. 294-408 and its relationship to Roman military deployment, Lewiston. NOESKE, H.-CHR. (1979) Bemerkungen zur Problematik der Siedlungsfunde, IN: R.-Alf6ldi, M. ed., Studien zu Fundmiinzen der Antike, 1, Berlin, 157-65. R.-ALFOLDI, M. (2001a) Fragen des Miinzumlaufs im 4. Jahrhundert n. Chr., IN: Bellen H. and H.-M. v. Kaenel eds., Gloria Romanorum. Schriften zur Spatantike, Historia Einzelschriften, 153, Stuttgart, 308-31. R.-ALFOLDI, M. (2001b) Die Miinzpragung der Spatantike (284-476 n. Chr.), IN: Bellen H. and H.-M. v. Kaenel eds., Gloria Romanorum. Schriften zur Spatantike, Historia Einzelschriften, 153, Stuttgart, 337- 67. RAVTEZ, A. (1964) The Fourth-century Inflation and Romano-British Coin Finds: I. Patterns of Fourth-century Coinage on Romano-British Sites, Numismatic Chronicle, 7th Series, 4, 201-31. REECE, R. (1971) Roman Coinage in Northern Italy, Numismatic Chronicle, 7th Series, 11, 167-79. REECE, R. (1974) Clustering of coin finds in Britain, France and Italy, IN: Casey, J. and R. Reece eds., Coins and the Archaeologist, BAR, British Series 4, Oxford, 64-77. REECE, R. (1979) Zur Auswertung und Interpretation romischer Fundmiinzen aus Siedlungen, IN: R.-Alfoldi, M. ed., Studien zu Fundmiinzen der Antike, 1, Berlin, 175-95. REECE, R. (1987) Coinage in Roman Britain, London. REECE, R. (1996) The interpretation of site finds - a review, IN: R.-Alfoldi, M. ed., Studien zu Fundmiinzen der Antike, 10, Berlin, 341-55. ROTROFF S. I. (1997) Coins and stratigraphy, IN: K. A. Sheedy and Ch. Papageorgiadou-Banis eds., Numismatic Archaeology. Archaeological Numismatics, Proceedings of an International Conference held to honour Dr. Mando Oeconomides in Athens 1995, Exeter 8-16. SCHMIDT-Dick, F. (1989) Karnten, Die Fundmiinzen der romischen Zeit in Osterreich FMRO II/3, 2/3, Wien, Verlag der Osterreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften. SEMROV, A. (1998) Fundmiinzen der romischen Zeit in Slowenien. FMRSl IV, 4, Berlin. SEMROV, A. (2004) Fundmiinzen der romischen Zeit in Slowenien. FMRSl V, 5, Berlin, VONDROVEC, K. (2003) Die antiken Fundmiinzen von Ovilavis/Wels, Die Fundmiinzen der romischen Zeit in Osterreich. FMRO IV/1, 4/1, Wien, Verlag der Osterreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften. WALKER, A. S. (1997) Excavation Coins: The use and misuse of numismatic evidence in archaeology, IN: Sheedy, K. A. and Ch. Papageorgiadou-Banis eds., Numismatic Archaeology. Archaeological Numismatics, Proceedings of an International Conference held to honour Dr. Mando Oeconomides in Athens 1995, Exeter, 17-26. WIGG, D. G. (1991) Munzumlauf in Nordgallien um die Mitte des 4. Jahrhunderts n. Chr., Studien zu Fundmiinzen der Antike, 8, Berlin. 255 Fig. 1 Histogram Ovilavis (317 coins) Fig. 3 Histogram Virunum (314 coins) 256 Fig. 4 Histogram Altinum/Venezia (802 coins) Fig. 5 Histogram Hatha (478 coins) i k L L L 111111111 Fig. 6 Ratio Siscia to Rome and Aquileia = n : 1 257
x

Log In

or reset password

Reset Password

Enter the email address you signed up with, and we'll send a reset password email to that address

Academia © 2012