Relations between the patterns of coin circulation in Venetia et Histria and the provinces of Noricum mediterraneum and ripense in Late Roman times moreKrmnicek, S. 2008. Relations between the patterns of coin circulation in Venetia et Histria and the provinces of Noricum mediterraneum and ripense in Late Roman times. In: Menozzi, O., Di Marzio, M. L. and Fossataro, D. (eds), Proceedings of the IX Symposium on Mediterranean Archaeology, Chieti (Italy), 24-26 February 2005. BAR International Series 1739. Oxford: Archaeopress. 251-257. |
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Ancient numismatics (Archaeology), Late Antiquity, Late Antique and Byzantine Studies, Ancient economies (Archaeology), and Monetary Economics
SOMA 2005
Proceedings of the IX Symposium
on Mediterranean Archaeology,
Chieti (Italy), 24-26 February 2005
Edited by
O. Menozzi, M. L. Di Marzio
and D. Fossataro
Introduction by S. Trinchese
Preliminary editing by L. Cherstich
Castel Manfrino excavation edited by S. Antonelli
BAR International Series 1739
2008
Institut fur Archaologische Wissenschaften
Johann Wolfgang Goethe-Universitat,
Frankfurt/Main, Germany
This presentation is related to the field of study of my current work, my Ph.D. thesis at the Johann Wolfgang Goethe
University of Frankfurt/Main concerning the monetary circulation of the Magdalensberg and numismatic relations to
neighbouring areas of southern Noricum and Northern Italy. Four main chapters will describe the differences and links
between Italian monetary circulation and that in the northern province of Noricum in overall view. First of all, as an
introduction to the province of Noricum and its numismatic situation in Antiquity, it is necessary to point out the
continuing use of coins in the Celtic tradition on later Norican territory in the period before the Roman occupation.
Secondly, the time during and immediately after the integration of Noricum into the Roman Empire will be more closely
examined to show how, where and what kind of roman coins reached the new province during this early period.
Thirdly, thanks to the abundance of published material, the high imperial time in particular offers excellent possibilities
to compare and interpret the monetary circulation from selected sites from Italy with those in the province. Finally in
Late Roman times it is possible to take a closer look at the mint-distribution in the typical currency pools and to study
the development of the coin supply to certain regions within the Western Empire. Thus the paper presents in visual form
all facts using graphs and figures
This survey is based on a comparison of 4 century coins
from archaeological excavations as well as stray finds
from important urban sites and rural areas in Venetia et
Histria and Noricum mediterraneum.1 The abundant
number of coins available from various sites ensures a
particularly sound statistical basis.2 Although coin finds
from necropolises, sanctuaries and even hoards were
strictly excluded, more than 6,000 4th century coins could
be analysed. These coins derive from 16 different urban
sites and rural areas in the region. Under such conditions
it can justifiably be claimed that the material provides us
with a representative sample of 4th century coins
circulating, and consequently being lost in this particular
area.
One aim of this investigation was to examine the
similarities and differences in the monetary circulation of
two neighbouring administrative districts during the 4th
century. In the case of Venetia et Histria and Noricum
mediterraneum, although both provinces belonged to the
same prefecture, the Praefectura Italia, Illyricum and
Africa, the border between them not only separated the
*The author is grateful to D. Wigg-Wolf (Johann Wolfgang Goethe-
Universitat, Frankfurt/Main) for correcting his English.1
For the state of research in Italy see Gorini 2000: 69-78, Asolati 2002:
193-202, for interpreting coin finds from archaeological excavations of
urban sites and rural areas see Kos 1997: 97-115, Walker 1997: 17-26.
2 Lauriacum: Karnitsch 1960, Dembski 1971 and Dembski 1975 [369
coins]; Ovilavis: FMRO 4/1 [317 coins]; SW Noricum mediterraneum:
FMRO II/3 [427 coins]; Virunum: FMRO II/3 3b/9 (1), Gugl 2004,
Krmnicek 2004 and unpublished material from the excavations 1992-
2001 [314 coins]; Celeia: FMRS11-V [291 coins]; Neviodunum: FMRS1
I-V [487 coins]; Ad Pirum: FMRS11-V [363 coins]; Castra: FMRS11-V
[290 coins]; Histria: FMRHr XVIII [790 coins]; Tarvisium/Opitergium:
RMRVe II/l and RMRVe II/2 [381 coins]; Altinum/Venezia: RMRVe
VI/1 (from museum collections and excavations) and RMRVe VI/2
[802 coins]; Vicentia: RMRVe IV/1 [66 coins]; Hatria: RMRVe VII/2
[487 coins]; Tridentum: Callegher 2000b [652 coins].
two provinces, it also marked the boundary between two
Dioceses and ran along the range of the Eastern Alps. It is
important to remember when interpreting differences in
the monetary circulation and the reasons for them. The
geographical situation of the region should also be born
in mind. The large alpine massifs of the Karnische Alps
and the Karawanken serve as a natural barrier between
both provinces. Rising to more than 2000m above sea
level, they still form the natural border between modern
day Austria and Italy/Slovenia. On the other hand, the
Julian Alps, in the northeastern corner of Venetia et
Histria close to the province of Noricum mediterraneum,
did not separate Venetia et Histria from another province.
Although it was the main barrier between the Italian plain
in the West and the lower southeastern alpine foothills in
the East, the Julian Alps were situated within the territory
of the province of Venetia et Histria.
With regard to the methods used in this survey, as
mentioned above, the data consists only of single finds,
stray finds and coins from excavations.3 No coins from
necropolises or sanctuaries were included, as these are
likely to have a different composition. For the same
reason, no hoards were included.4 Hoards, and coins from
sites such as sanctuaries and necropolises, are generally
the result of conscious selection, and thus are subject to
additional filters and are further removed from the coins
actually in circulation. The main goal of this
investigation, however, was to examine the monetary
circulation of the region in the relevant periods.
3 For the definition of single and stray finds see Gebhart, Kraft et al.
1956: 39-43, Grierson 1965: i-xiii, Grierson 1966: i-xvi.
"Noeske 1979: 157-164, Reece 1979: 175-195, Christophersen 1989: 1-
8, especially for coins from sanctuaries see Reece 1996: 343-345.
251
In order to display the data in visual form, histograms as
well as graphs are used. The histograms are based upon
the standard formula, and provide the average coin loss
per year in each period for a nominal 1000 coins from a
particular site.5 The choice of periods used in the figures
is a vital aspect of the investigation. They take into
account the monetary history of the 4th century bronze
coinage,6 rather than the reigns or lifetimes of emperors,7
so offering more possibilities for numismatic analysis
than any other arrangements of periods can. Furthermore,
it is important to remember that the dates represent not
the dates at which the coins were lost, but periods in
which they were struck. While some coins will have
entered the archaeological record soon after they were
issued, others could have remained in circulation and
been lost much later. For a better understanding of the
graphs used, it is of advantage to look briefly at the
operation of mints in the empire, and especially the
region under consideration, during the 4th century. After
Diocletian's monetary reform in 294, the mints of Rome,
Ostia, Ticinum and Aquileia were in operation in Italia.
The mint of Ticinum was finally closed in 326, while the
mint of Aquileia, which plays a significant role in this
analysis, was temporarily closed in 322-334. Sirmium
was active only for two short periods, 320-326 and 351-
365, when it supplemented the other Balkan mints of
Siscia and Thessalonica, which issued coins throughout
the 4th century. In the East, the mints of Nicomedia,
Cyzicus, Antiochia and Alexandria were in operation
from the start, while the mint of Constantinopolis was
only opened in 326, at the same time as the mint of
Ticinum was closed.
The first histogram (Fig. 1) indicates the average coin
loss at the urban site of Ovilavis, the administrative
centre of the Province of Noricum ripense near the
Danube limes. The graph displays peaks in the annual
average coin loss for issues of the periods 330-341, 354-
361 and 364-378. Furthermore, over all periods the
majority of coins derives from non-Italian mints, depicted
by the columns marked in black.
The next two histograms are based on the coin finds from
the southwestern part of Noricum mediterraneum (Fig. 2)
and the nearby provincial capital Virunum (Fig. 3). Both
graphs follow almost the same pattern. As in Ovilavis,
non-Italian mints are best represented in all periods.
However, a higher share of issues from Italian mints is
apparent throughout the 4th century, indicated by the
columns in white.
For Venetia et Histria, the settlements and hinterland of
Altinum/Venezia (Fig. 4) and Hatria (Fig. 5) may serve
as representative sites. When compared with figs. 1-3,
both are characterized by higher coin loss per year for the
periods 348-354 and 378-388. In these samples the share
of coins from Italian mints can be as much as twice as
high as for the sites in Noricum ripense and Noricum
mediterraneum, especially during the periods with a high
5 For the formula for calculating histograms see Ravetz 1964: 205-208,
Reece 1987: 77 and Wigg 1991: 237-240.
6 For a detailed explanation see Casey 1986: 89-90.
7 For a summary of the late antique coinage see R.-Alfoldi 2001b: 337-
367.
coin loss. Furthermore, in the periods 348-354, 354-361
and 378-388 the majority of coins now derives from
Italian mints.
Summing up the five histograms, the following
conclusions can be reached. All the histograms,
especially when compared with other sites in the East and
West of the empire, seem to follow a general empire-
wide pattern, i.e. peaks in the periods 330-341 and 354-
361, and a trough in 361-364. This confirms that the
numismatic material from all the sites is indeed
representative and so suitable for further investigations.8
There are individual peaks and troughs, however, which
indicate regional differences. First, the monetary
circulation of the important urban settlement Ovilavis in
Northern Noricum ripense is characterized by the
'normal' empire-wide pattern of high annual average coin
loss in the periods 354-361 and 364-378.9 Throughout the
4th century coin loss in Ovilavis is dominated by issues
from the mint of Siscia, followed by coins from Aquileia
and Thessalonica.
The settlements of southern Noricum mediterraneum
have their own, different pattern. Compared with
Noricum ripense, the annual average coin loss is much
lower for issues of the period 364-378, while the other
periods seem to follow the same pattern of Ovilavis. The
share of coins from Italian mints, in all periods, is much
higher in Noricum mediterraneum.
A specific pattern can be seen for the monetary
circulation of the province of Venetia et Histria.10 The
main differences between this region and the provinces of
Noricum ripense and Noricum mediterraneum are the
unusual peaks in the periods 348-354 and 378-388, and
the predominance of coins from Italian mints.
Perhaps the higher coin loss for issues of 348-354 is
linked to the specific political situation at the time in
northeastern Italia.11 It is possible that the campaigns of
Constantius II and of Magnentius in the region during the
civil war of 350-353 resulted in a more intensive
circulation and loss of coins. Similarly the hostilities
between Magnus Maximus and Theodosius I might have
been responsible for the difference in the annual average
coin loss of Italia and Noricum for the period 378-388. At
the end of the 4th century, the supply of Noricum ripense
and Noricum mediterraneum with new coins seems to
have diminished, while at the same time in the Italian
heartland the circulation of issues of 378-388 still seems
to have been intense.
To sum up, the histograms clearly show the common
structure and specific regional differences of the
monetary circulation in the area over all periods.
Furthermore it could be demonstrated, that the
distribution of coins from Italian mints in all
For the interpretation of representative coin finds see Kent 1974: 64-
77, Gorini 1997: 33-47, Rotroff 1997: 8-16, Kos 1997: 97-115.
9 For the normal pattern see the sample published by Wigg 1991: 196.
10 An investigation on the specific pattern in the monetary circulation of
the region is documented in Gorini 2002: 177-191.
11 For a study on the distribution of the Ae3 coinage in Italia see Callu
1980: 99-106.
252
representative coin finds increased from North to South
during the entire 4th century.
The ratio of coins from Italian to non-Italian mints played
an important part in the discussion on the histograms. A
closer look at this pattern should help clarify how issues
from Italian and non-Italian mints in the region actually
circulated in relation to each other.12 Fig. 6 illustrates the
number of coins from the mint of Siscia in the finds,
which is indicated by grey columns, and the number from
the mint of Rome and Aquileia, indicated by black
columns. The graph shows the ratio between the two
groups, whereby the figure for Rome and Aquileia is
corrected to 1. By presenting this data in visual form, it is
possible to display the relative quantities of the coins
from the three mints in the circulation of Venetia et
Histria and Noricum mediterraneum.13 The mints of
Aquileia and Rome were chosen for comparison because
Aquileia is located in the heart of the region, and so we
can see how intensively coins from there circulated in the
immediate vicinity. While the mint of Rome is worthy of
examination since its products were especially
predominant among the coins circulating in Italy
throughout the entire 4th century.
The graph reveals a ratio of more than 2,5 : 1 in
settlements situated close to the mint of Siscia, in the
eastern corner of Venetia et Histria and Noricum
mediterraneum (Celeia and Neviodunum). A ratio of 1,8-
1,4 : 1 is still to be seen in representative sites in Noricum
ripense and Noricum mediteraneum (Ovilavis,
Lauriacum, Virunum and Southwestern Noricum
mediterraneum).
In the southern foothills of the Julian Alps, and in Histria
the ratio of coins from Siscia to those from Aquileia and
Rom is only 0,8-0,6 : 1 (Histria, Ad Pirum and Castra).
And in the other sites of Venetia et Histria the ratio
decreases even further from West to East to only 0,5-0,2 :
1 (Tarvisium/Opitergium, Altinum/Venezia, Vicentia,
Hatha and Tridentum).
To conclude, fig. 6 indicates that at the sites in the
vicinity of the mint of Sisicia, irrespective of whether
they are located in the province of Venetia et Histria or in
Noricum mediterraneum, coins from Siscia outnumbered
those from Aquileia and Rome. Geographically speaking
the high level of coins from Siscia in finds is to be found
north of the Alps in area stretching to Noricum ripense,
while in the southeastern Alpine region it extends only to
the natural barrier of the Julian Alps. However, this trend
does not continue throughout the rest of Venetia et
Histria; in central and western sites in the province coins
from Aquileia and Rome predominate in the entire 4th
century.
This indicates that factors other than political boundaries
between provinces and Dioceses must also have been
responsible for differences in the monetary circulation in
12 For a similar investigation but only for the 4th century coin finds on
the territory of modern day Slovenia, and based on less data see Kos
1986: 187-188.
13 For preliminary studies on the monetary circulation of Northern Italy
see Reece 1971: 167-179, Reece 1974: 64-77.
the two provinces. As was shown above, geographical
factors played a surprisingly important role in the
distribution of coins.14 But they were not the only ones;
political and military factors affecting the coin supply of
individual areas should also be taken in account, e. g. the
importance of the troops on the Danube limes which
seem to have been supplied mainly with coins from the
mint of Siscia during the 4th century.15 However, the
mint-distribution in the region does reveal an overall
geographical pattern, at least in the distribution of coins
from the mint of Siscia: there is a decrease in the share of
Siscian coins from West to East in the coin finds of
Venetia et Histria.
The paper provides some examples of how the monetary
circulation of the provinces Noricum mediterraneum and
ripense and Venetia et Histria differed during the 4th
century A.D. More than 6,000 coins from 16 sites which
were felt to be representative were analysed. The
histograms indicate that while the coin finds mirror the
common 4th century monetary circulation within the
Roman Empire, they also display typical regional
differences. In particular, the annual average coin loss
during particular periods in sites north of the Alps (i.
e.the provinces of Noricum ripense and Noricum
mediterraneum) can be distinguished from that observed
in Venetia et Histria. The ratio of coins from Italian to
non-Italian mints could also be shown to be significant.
When displayed in visual form, the data reveals that the
distribution of 4th century coins in the region seems to be
oriented primarily on geographical borders. In the north
and east of the Alps coins from Siscia outnumbered those
of Aquileia and Rome, while the opposite phenomenon
can be found in Venetia et Histria south of the Alps. A
similar East-West decrease in the ratio of coins from
Siscia can also be examined in sites in Venetia et Histria.
Only a few considerations of the differences and links in
the monetary circulation of Venetia and Histria and
Noricum mediterraneum have been presented here - more
should follow.
II presente contributo intende mostrare, sulla scorta di
alcuni esempi, le differenze quantitative tra la
circolazione monetale della Provincia del Noricum
mediterraneum e quella della contermine Provincia
Venetia et Histria durante il quarto secolo d. C. A tal
riguardo sono state confrontate piu di 6000 monete,
provenienti da 16 diversi siti archeologici, che assumono
un carattere altamente rappresentativo dei materiali
esistenti in questi territori. Gli istogrammi mostrano una
tipica distribuzione del quarto secolo ed anche alcune
specificita regionali. Mentre nelle zone delle Alpi le
attestazioni di numerario della zecca di Siscia sono
maggiori rispetto a quelle emesse nelle officine di Roma
ed Aquileia, a sud delle stesse awiene il contrario. Per
determinare i motivi di questa diversa diffusione non
vanno trascurati i fattori di natura geografica, infatti la
For a study on the mints linked to the particular Dioceses see King
1980: 154-158.
15 For political factors see Harl 1996: 158-182, R.-Alfoldi 2001a: 308-
331, Aubert 2003: 245-263, for empire-wide studies on that pattern see
Nicklas 1995: 100-251.
253
presenza delle Alpi pud aver costituito un ostacolo alia
diffusione dei materiali prodotti in zecche ben
determinate. Considerando tutti i ritrovamenti della
Provincia Venetia et Histria e attestato un volume
decrescente delle emissioni di Siscia secondo una
direzione est-ovest. Queste considerazioni preliminari
costituiscono le basi per un futuro approfondimento sulle
differenze ed i contatti nella circolazione monetaria della
Venetia et Histria ed il Noricum mediterraneum.
Der vorliegende Beitrag versucht anhand von Beispielen
aufzuzeigen, in welchem Umfang sich der Mtinzumlauf
der Provinz Noricum mediterraneum von dem der
Provinz Venetia et Histria im 4. Jahrhundert unterschied.
Mehr als 6000 Miinzen aus 16 verschiedenen
archaologischen Fundorten konnten in diese
Untersuchung miteinbezogen werden. Dies unterstreicht
den reprasentativen Charakter der Materialgrundlage. Die
Histogramme zeigen einerseits eine typische reichsweite
Verteilung des 4. Jahrhunderts n. Chr. auf, aber
andererseits auch regionale Charakteristika. Gerade im
unterschiedlichen Miinzindex der Funde nordlich und
sudlich der Alpen, also in Noricum ripense und Noricum
mediterraneum sowie Venetia et Histria, lassen sich
anhand bestimmter Perioden die lokalen Unterschiede
aufzeigen. Als nachster wichtiger Punkt in dieser
Untersuchung stand eine Auseinandersetzung mit dem
Verhaltnis der Miinzen aus Siscia zu denen aus Aquileia
und Rom an. Mithilfe der graphischen Umsetzung der
Daten konnte bewiesen werden, dass geographische
Faktoren offensichtlich ebenfalls fur die regionalen
Verhaltnisse von Bedeutung sind. Gerade die Alpen und
ihre siidlichen Auslaufer als natiirliche Barrieren sind hier
an erster Stelle zu nennen. Neben dem unterschiedlichen
Verhaltnis zwischen Funden nordlich und sudlich der
Alpen lieJi sich im speziellen unter den Funden der
Provinz Venetia et Histria von Osten nach Westen ein
riicklaufiger Anteil von Miinzen aus Siscia feststellen.
Anhand dieser wenigen Beispiele konnten einige
Unterschiede im Mtinzumlauf der beiden Provinzen
wahrend des 4. Jahrhunderts n. Chr. zumindest
ansatzweise angesprochen werden, weitere miissen auf
jeden Fall folgen.
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255
Fig. 1 Histogram Ovilavis (317 coins)
Fig. 3 Histogram Virunum (314 coins)
256
Fig. 4 Histogram Altinum/Venezia (802 coins)
Fig. 5 Histogram Hatha (478 coins)
i k
L L L 111111111
Fig. 6 Ratio Siscia to Rome and Aquileia = n : 1
257